Friday, April 8, 2011

caste system in Nepal

History of the caste system in Nepal

Muluki Ain divided Nepalese citizens into two castes "the caste whose water is allowed to remain pure" and "the caste whose water is defiled". Chiefs of the various castes were entrusted with sorting out issues related to their own castes.[1] The heads of Kamis (blacksmiths) and Sarkis (tanners and cobblers) were called Mijhars. Similarly the head of Damai (tailors and musicians) was called Nagarchi. Castes of the first (non-defiling) category also had their chiefs. In this way community members might not need to go to courts or government offices to settle minor legal matters. Mijhars and Nagarchis, however, added to injustice and exploitation meted out to their respective communities. They were obviously influenced by their masters' natures.[citation needed] Like their masters, they never hesitated to do injustice against their own communities. No appeal was heard against them.
From the medieval period onward, people could lose status through caste demotion. People considering themselves superior used caste as a pretext for exploitation. The lower castes were prevented from entering temples, receiving education, listening to high-caste people's teachings, worshipping, planting Bar or Pipal trees, digging ponds, and participating in fairs and festivals. They could be exiled from the country for looking at a high-caste woman. If they encountered someone of higher caste they would have to step aside. They had to pay jadau (obeisance) to any higher caste person. They could be put to death for rebelling against caste rules. If someone from higher caste married a woman from lower caste, he was not eligible for legal intercession against jarikhat (adultery). A sacred thread-wearing or even non-thread-wearing person would need to be ritually purified if they were touched by an 'untouchable'. Two-way conversation with upper castes was banned for them. These discriminatory provisions of the civil code were based on Hindu scriptures like Parskar Grihyasutra, Gautam Sutra, Manusmṛti and Shukra Niti.[2][3] There was no provision for lower-caste participation in the economic, social, cultural and administrative spheres. They had to survive on low-paid manual work such as playing indigenous musical instruments, sawing wood, leather-work, practicing music, art and dance, cutting stone, pottery, general labor, cleaning latrines, and washing clothes. This system prevailed till by law until Muluki Ain was revised in 1962.

Legitimacy of the caste system

The supreme caste

Community engaged in sewing and music


Traditional musical instruments played at weddings
The caste engaged in sewing clothing is called Suchikar (सुचिकार)or Sujikar (सुजिकार). Those who play musical instruments like damau (damaha, दमाहा), hudko, and devbaja[5] -- particularly in wedding processions—are referred to as damai (दमाइ), dholi ढोली, hudke (हुड्के), nagarchi (नगर्ची) and nagdi. Originally they were called different names according to which instruments they played. Someone employed in sewing is now called darji (दर्जी), tailor, master, or tailor-master. Darji was once used only for Muslim tailors, but now it is used for all tailors as well as musicians. Similarly, damai or damahi has also undergone extension of its meaning. Initially it only meant someone who played the damaha. Now it is used for the entire caste.

Tanners and Cobblers

Community of Wandering Singers


Gaine playing Sarangi

Badi community

Main article: Badi People

Kumal community

Kumals have their own language. According to some linguists, their language falls under the Magadheli branch of the Indo-European family (Rimal, BS2053:44). They have their own traditions or cultural practices, customs and lifestyles. They sing and dance while celebrating the birth of a child and on the occasion of ‘chhaithi', or the sixth day of the birth of a child, by partaking of jand (home-made beer) and spirit with meat. The son-in-law officiates the christening process. They give a name to the child and complete the process by slaughtering cock or hen. Marriage can take place by arrangement or by mutual consent of the girl and the boy. Those marrying by consent should go through the customary process. At the time of bride entering the bridegroom's home and at the time of bridegroom entering the bride's home, a cock is slaughtered and they walk on the track smeared with the blood of the cock. The future life of the couple is usually forecast on the basis of the direction in which the cock is seen lying dead. Widowed wife of older brother can, if they wish, be married to the younger brother.

Dhobis

Untouchables in the Terai (Madhesh)

Newar community

The caste system appears to have been first conceived in Nepal towards the beginning of Lichhivi period. Originated as Vaishavism, this concept began to assimilate with Shyamanism (including natural religion), Shaivism and Buddhism. In both Hindu and Buddhist Newar communities, the caste system has been found to exist. It reveals that the caste system is extremely complicated in this community. In the Kathmandu Valley Jayasthiti Malla established the caste system on the basis of Manusmriti. Accordingly, it was required to adopt professions, wear cloths and ornaments and construct houses in accordance with the social status of different castes. Violating these rules was liable to certain punishment. Despite the fact that castes were based on various professions, there evolved untouchability later. The state of caste discrimination and untouchability appears to be slightly different from that of Khas and Maithil communities. For instance, in Khas and Maithil communities, the untouchables are treated equally, while in Newar community they are discriminated differently; e.g. Kasais ('butchers') are allowed to step up to the second storey of the houses and Chyames to the first storey, Harhurs are entirely prohibited from entering the house. Generally, the untouchables are not allowed to go to the upper storey of the house. Butchers' milk and meat are acceptable, but eating their boiled rice is unacceptable. Eating dhobis and Napits' (barbers') boiled rice may be unacceptable.

Present situation

There are three major communities in Nepal's caste-oriented society -Khas, Newar and Maithil. Besides, there is a separate community consisting of tribes, the ethnic groups. There is similarity in the social structure of Khas, Newar and Maithil communities. That is to say, they all have four castes: Brahmin, Chhetri, Vaishya and Shudra. There also exists a distinction between Nepali origin and Indian origin in them, which may also be referred to as Bhumiputra community and Yayavar community, respectively. There also exist Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim and Christian religious communities in Nepal. Of these communities, Khas, Newar and Maithil have been undergoing increasing complexity of caste discrimination and oppression. The issue in the present Nepalese society lies in the classification of Brahmins, Chhetris and Vaishyas into sub-castes, defiling castes and narrowing.
The practice of untouchability penetrated down to the untouchables. As a result, it went to the extent of making discrimination between touchable and untouchable castes within the untouchable community itself. For instance, Kami and Sarki communities regard other communities like Damai as untouchable, while there does exist inequality even between Kamis and Sarkis. Damais treat communities like Gaines untouchable. Recently it has been found in vogue in some parts of the Remote Western Region that persons within the same untouchable community have been treated untouchable owing to their miserable economic condition. No doubt there has been launched a campaign at the organizational level by oppressed castes to oppose discrimination. However, open entry into a house and marital relation are still far from being materialized. In the hilly areas of western part of Nepal certain untouchables have their own restaurants and now all untouchable communities enter there.
With the advent of democracy in 1950, social discriminations started breaking down not because of any legal provisions but because of the high caste people's own initiatives. However, even this change could not abolish untouchability. Though public places were opened to low caste people in some places, the situation remained unchanged to a large extent. There has been made a legal sanction in the civil code against untouchability; however, it has turned out to be meaningless since its violation is not liable to any specific penalty. According to Act 11(4) of the new constitution of Nepal (1990), however, untouchability has been made punishable. The civil code has also been amended accordingly. Despite these constitutional and legal provisions, untouchability has been still found in practice. So-called higher caste people do not allow low-caste people to have an access to temples and other public places. (See the description of events for its details).
Untouchability exists in its extreme form especially in the hills and mountains. The so-called untouchable castes have been prohibited from their entrance into temples and other public places. For instance, the untouchables are not allowed to enter the fair held annually at Dehimandau in Baitadi district and open stalls. Three years ago they filed a petition to the Chief District Officer for their entrance, but so far no action has been taken in this regard. Similarly, the untouchables are prohibited from entering Jagannath temple at Khalanga, Baitadi. They have to sit outside restaurants and wash eating utensils. At many places there also exists the practice of sprinkling water for purification. Milk and milk products are not given to the untouchables to drink and eat, but ghee (a milk product) is not defiled even if it is touched by them. Untouchable boys and girls are discriminated even at public schools. They have to use separate pots for drinking water. They have also to sit separately in the class as ink is defiled with their touch. For instance, at Shiva Primary School, Dungra, Tripura Sundari-4 (Baitadi district), the untouchables bought an almunium bucket and a water pot ("Lota") and handed them over to the school for their children, but they have been used by the touchables and instead, the untouchables have been provided with an old bucket. Shankar Ram Mahar, who studied from classes VIII to X at Daneshwar Secondary School, Barakot (Baitadi), mentioned that he had never drunk water at the school during this period. At the same place, the untouchables have to stand outside restaurants for eating and wash plates twice. There are separate taps - the lower one for low castes and the upper one for high castes.

Haliya (Ploughmen's) system

In Banke, Bardiya and some other Terai districts, Tharus are forced to serve as bonded labourers. This custom of bonded labour originated in the hills of this development region. This Haliya system was introduced into the Terai by feudal head-men when they migrated from the hills to the Terai. They grabbed land from Tharus and made them bonded labourers. This fact indicates that bonded labour is widely prevalent in the hills and mountains. It exists in Baitadi, Dadeldhura and Bajhang districts. It is said that Brahmins and Chhetris from the hills should not plough field. Here ploughmen are usually Lohars, Sarkis and Damais. Poor low-caste people in this part have to borrow loans from high-caste ones. In case they fail to pay off the interest they have to work as Haliyas. Interest is paid from their wages. In addition, they are also paid some remuneration in kind. Money-lenders do not accept the payment of their loans and Haliyas are bound to plough. If they decline to do so they are threatened that they will be disturbed by evil spirits. Thus, they are forced to continue their work. The members of Haliyas' families have also to work at their masters'. It is also found that quite a few simple-minded people have to work without wages. Haliyas plant crops all through the year, but they receive just a little amount in return-about six pathi (a Nepalese measurement) rice and one doko (a type of basket) maize. Those people who work on daily wages are given morning breakfast, lunch and four mana (2 kg) rice. Planters are paid one Pathi of paddy. Poor people borrow loans to meet expenses for arranging their children's marriage or other purposes on the condition that they would plough and do other works for their masters. There also exists a practice of ploughing to pay just the loan interests. In such a case, it is not possible to pay off the principal amount due to loan. As a result, borrowers have to spend their entire life as bonded labourers. About 95% of low-caste people have been experiencing this condition. Fed up with this system, Aniram Tamta, an old man from Tripura Sundari (Baitadi district) expresses his bitter experience as "Do all sorts of work except ploughing".

Doli (Palanquin) system

Jari (Adultery) system

 Dhan Khane/Chhangra (Dowry) system

Mid-Western region

In Bardiya as well, a Terai district, untouchable teachers and students are discriminated. They feel humiliated when they have to sit at a different place even while taking tea, as reported by Ram Bahadur Nepali, a teacher at Nepal Rashtriya Primary School, Deudakala Machhagad. When a low-caste person happens to marry a high-caste girl, high-caste people conspire for their separation and harass him. In such a case, he has to escape from the district. Even in the Terai children of untouchable castes have very low enrolment at schools. Its main reason is their parents' miserable financial condition. Children also have to work for their maintenance. Even the children whose parents' financial condition is better are not found inclined towards going to school because of humiliation they have to feel.

 Western region

In this region the northern part including Mustang district is mostly inhabited by people of Tibetan origin. These ethnic Tibetans are Buddhist and here low-caste people consist of Kamis, Damis and Sarkis are discriminated less because Buddhism opposes caste system. But that being said younger generations educated in local Hindu dominated schools seem to be influenced and therefore, avoid untouchable people. These people living in places higher than Jomsong have adapted themselves to the local language and culture. The indigenous ethnic Tibetans are referred to as "Botays". The word Botay is used by Bahun /Chettri to negatively refer Nepali of Asian features whose ancestors migrated from Tibet like Bahun/Chettri migrated to Nepal after driven out of India by Mughal Empire in 17th century. These ethnic Tibetan community settled in valleys along Tibet. Because of the indirect Hindu infleunce, they only regards smiths as untouchable and refers to them as "Gharas". Unlike Hindus, these Buddhist people seemed to be more respectful of untouchables
Untouchability is found prevailing in Syangja, Rupandehi and Nawalparasi districts also. In Palpa district there persists discrimination among low-caste people, but in Syangja district it has mitigated to a large extent. In this district, the discrimination made by high-caste people against low-caste one has come out as a topic of discussion at the national level. At Bhagwati Milk Collection Centre set up by Dairy Development Corporation at Udiyachaur of Pelakot Village Development Committee, low-caste people had not been permitted to sell their milk for the last eight years. On November 6, 1993, however, the low-caste people used pressure on the centre to buy their milk and mix it. This event gave rise to conflict and there was a fight between the low-caste and high-caste people. Later, under the pressure of Brahmins, Dairy Development Corporation closed down the milk collection centre. In this issue, the local administration also extended its support to the high-caste people. Then local oppressed peasants formed an action committee to fight this issue. On February 13 thousands of people organized a protest rally at Syangja bazaar at the behest of the action committee. They demanded for reopening the milk collection centre and taking action against those indulging in discrimination.
Low-caste teachers and employees working at several schools in this region are humiliated and even sacked on caste ground. The authorities concerned have, however, shown no interest in it. In this region there are instances of inter-caste marriage, but low-caste people are harassed in this regard. For instance, Riuri Damini, an untouchable woman from Bhirkot-2 (Tanahu district), was made pregnant by Hari Bahadur Rana of the same village. But she was paid some amount and left in charge of a Kami boy. Hari Bahadur was also debarred from using water and Brahmins did not accept to perform "Nwaran" rite for his son born from his first wife. On the other side, a Kami boy was also debarred from using water for marrying a Damai woman. Eventually, Riuri was compelled to spend her life with another man. Besides, Trok Maya Pariyar from Bhanu-3 (Tanahu) gave birth to a son from Nand Kumar Shrestha of the same village. When it was disclosed Nand Kumar Shrestha absconded. The community expelled Nand Kumar from his caste on the one hand, while, on the other, Trok Maya died from illness. It was bad luck for the baby. Nand Kumar has now opened a restaurant at Mugling and lives with his first wife and children. In the same Village Development Committee, Achyut Raj Aryal dared to have love marriage with Radhika Pariyar and is now leading a life of a social outcast.

 Central region

This region, where the nation's capital is also located, is relatively much advanced in political, economic, religious, intellectual, cultural and other fields. this, it lags behinds in social aspect. The Kathmandu valley is replete with temples, shrines, and monasteries, and is far ahead from religious view point. It is, at the same time, gripped with caste discrimination and untouchability created by religion-based caste system. Inside the valley itself, several religious shrines, taps, wells, funeral and other public places are not open to the untouchables. Caste discrimination has ceased to exist at the hotels and restaurants in the capital city, but it is still continuing at Indrayani, Alapot, Bhadrabas, Moolpani, Danchhi, Sankhu and other sub-urban localities of the city. In these places low-caste people have to eat outside restaurants and clean pots. In rural areas even wooden frame ("pira") is not offered to the untouchables because it is thought that it will be defiled. They have to sit separately for eating at high-caste people's home; cow-dung is placed beside them to clean the place; and the utensils used for eating have to be cleaned.
In Ramechhap district the untouchables are liable to punishment if they don't walk from a distance of the path trod by Brahmins. They are required to construct separate wells for drinking water. They are not allowed to sell their milk at most of the collection centres located in the hills. This situation has cropped up as a result of the discretion used by high-caste people and the Dairy Development Corporation employees. In Sindhupalchowk district low-caste people are not allowed to use drinking water from public wells. For instance, Laxmi, Jhanka Bahadur Bishwakarma's 3-year old daughter, reached near a well while playing. She was beaten by Parvati Bhattarai, but it was protested by her parents. The next day the child's corpse was found floating in the same well. Local people gave a unanimous report that the child's death was a case of accident. This event is still shrouded in mystery. A few days later Nar Bahadur Bishwakarma was beaten for using drinking water from the same well. Parvati Bhattarai's husband Krishna Prasad Bhattarai shouted, "One has already lost one's life; do others also intend to die?" This threat has made the earlier event more suspicious.

 Eastern region

This section may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk page. (October 2008)
Prima facie the caste discrimination appears to be relatively less in the Eastern Region than in Western Nepal. A close look, however, reveals that untouchability continues to exist in this part too. Terai districts and some districts in the hills and mountain like Illam and Taplejung are found to be more open and liberal in this respect. Untouchability exists at Fidim Bazaar also in Panchthar district. It is practised much in this district, which is dominated by Chhetri and Brahmin population. In Limbu settlements, untouchables are not allowed to enter a house but they are not much discriminated. Some Limbus like Angadambe and Nembang are, however, much orthodox like Chhetris and Brahmins. In Dasai, untouchables have to clean Mukhiyas' (Headmen's) houses and courtyards. Damais have to play musical instruments during Prasad at Phoolpati and at funeral processions.
The untouchables are prohibited from entering temples in this region also. This restriction was waived off in 1972/73 at Siddhakali temple, Bhojpur, but following the modification of the civil code since 1990 added in Article 10 (ka) as an explanation the untouchables have not been allowed to enter this temple. Likewise, Siddheshwar, Pakhuwa and Dingla temples are not open to them. With the restoration of democracy, the Shiva temple constructed under the chairmanship of Buddhi Bahadur Shankar at Prithvi Nagar Village Development Committee (Jhapa) has been called the place for Kamis to worship and has not been visited by high-caste people. Similarly, they have also stopped drinking water from the well constructed there. At Jorpokhari Shiva temple situated in Subhang Village Development Committee of Panchthar district, untouchables had been offering water, but they stopped it later. Recently they tried to revive their earlier practice but could not succeed. When 45 untouchables including Devi Nepali and Gopi Kalikote wanted to offer water forcibly, high-caste people threatened them to break their legs. This incident has given rise to the tension between touchables and untouchables.
During Prithvi Narayan's campaign for the unification of Nepal, Kalu Sarki, Mani Ram Gaine and Bise Nagarchi played a significant role. Despite this fact, no attempt has been made to mitigate caste discrimination and the system of untouchability. Several Saints of Josmani like Shashidar (1747–1849) and Gyandil Das (1835–1897) went ahead with the campaign against casteism and Karmakand. Ran Bahadur Shah (1777–1806) was initiated into Josmani sect by Sashidhar, opposed casteism and organized a feast participated by all castes. Activities like this were opposed by his courtiers, priests and orthodox individuals. They were, however, not pursued by the later kings. They could have helped to establish caste equality and integrate all castes into a single national force. The civil code 1853/54 was the first attempt to legalize untouchability and caste system. This code was formulated and enforced by Jung Bahadur Rana during King Surendra's regime. This legal provision added to untouchables' misery and suffering. Saint Gyan Dildas launched protest against this law in the nation and abroad. In Sikkim this superstition was ridiculed as a mockery by searching castes in Nepalese society through light in 1868/69. Several individuals and thinkers endeavoured to abolish caste system and untouchability during the Rana regime, but they failed in their attempt because of autocratic rule.
Jaya Prithvi Bahadur Singh (1963–1997), a humanitarian King, realized the need for collective feeling. For him, the relation among human beings based on wisdom and morality can help attain genuine unity and fraternity. That's why he carried out social reforms. Despite the prince of Bajhang, he accomplished unforgettable works for the nation, people, universal fraternity and global peace. King Jaya Prithvi was committed to pure humanitarian values and views transcending the vanity of casteism, religion and power and sympathised deeply with oppressed people by carrying out welfare activities. For instance, low-caste people like Kalu Bhool (Sarki) and Rabidase (Damai) were sent outside for orientation in-high-skilled works. Because of the influence of King Jaya Prithvi's equalitarian and liberal thinking and actions, his father-in-law Chandra Shamsher also raised the voice in his court: "Untouchables are also human beings; they should also enjoy equal rights". But because of the indifference of his courtiers in this respect or for some other reasons, his ideas did not materialize.
Discrimination with respect to caste, colour, and class was strangling human race and turned out to be a slur on humanity. At this juncture the United Nations published the Human Rights Declaration in 1948. According to Article 2 of this Declaration, "Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty". Following the 1950 Movement, King Tribhuvan made the following announcement on March 3, 1951: "No discrimination shall be made in the appointment of soldiers in Nepalese army on the basis of caste, religion and language. Individuals of all castes, religions and languages are equally eligible for joining army." In the press report released on February 23, 1951, King Tribhuvan expressed his attitude towards caste discrimination as follows:
Whether to abolish caste discrimination and untouchability or not cannot be decided by one or two individuals in a democratic state. It should be decided by all people's consensus. Hence, this issue does not arise unless the legislative assembly is formed.
During the Panchayat regime King Mahendra enforced the Civil Code on August 17, 1963. It announces the elimination of caste system in principle for the first time, but it remains silent about penalty due to its violation. It was, therefore, natural to find no difference in reality. This civil code has, however, historical importance for replacing the one (1853/54) comprising unjust legal provisions. Hira Lal Bishwakarma, who happened to become a minister during the partyless Panchayat regime in spite of belonging to a low caste, also supported status quo instead of supporting for the implementation of the aforesaid Act. During the same regime, low-caste representatives like Dhan Man Singh Pariyar, Har Kumar Singh, T. R. Bishwakarma and Tek Bahadur Bishwakarma, who were nominated to Rashtriya Panchayat (National Legislative Assembly), did not make any contribution in this regard. It is, however, to be noted that millions of rupees were received as foreign aid during this period to promote socially and economically backward communities in Nepal, but no measures were taken in this field. Nepal has signed the UN treaties, negotiations and understanding, but it has not introduced any tangible measures for the abolition of caste discrimination and oppression.
The ruling and opposition political parties have, no doubt, given slogans, especially during elections, for the social and economic upliftment of the oppressed. However, they are not found interested in this issue in practice.[citation needed] In this connection, the role of human rights organizations in Nepal has been relatively positive as a pressure group for abolishing caste discrimination and establishing human rights. It is regrettable that the state has shown no concern for the participation of untouchables in the government, government / semi-government agencies and policy formulation sector and also for the reservation of this class in social, economic and educational fields.[citation needed] No social organizations have been found to play active role in uprooting untouchability. Instead, social reformers and intellectuals have made (though limited) positive contributions on individual basis. Former Prime Minister Late Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala also was opposed to casteism and untouchability. Similarly, Mahanand Sapkota also helped to promote their cause. He assisted Jawahar Rokka at Chainpur in receiving education. Pandit Chhabi Lal Pokharel extended his cooperation to Hira Lal Bishwakarma, T. R. Bishwakarma and Uma Lal Bishwakarma in receiving education at Dharan.
Indra Prasad Prasain and Naradmuni Thulung worked for the entry of untouchables into public places at Ilam and Bhojpur, respectively. In 1952, the Bada Hakim (district officer) of Dhankuta, Rang Nath Upreti helped Jawahar Rokka in receiving free education. At Chainpur Sher Bahadur Shrestha helped in educating untouchables. Devi Prasad Upreti (1811–1992), who mostly lived in Jhapa and Atharai, employed a Bishwakarma as his cook and challenged the concept of untouchability. Kali Bhakta Pant of Syangja made a significant contribution by criticizing untouchability through his talented writings. Earlier than (1943/44), Bhakta Bahadur Shakya of Chainpur (SankhuwaSabha district) was engaged in protesting untouchability in Newar community. After 1950, Maheshwar Menyangbo married an untouchable woman and contributed to the abolition of caste discrimination. Since 1952 Ambika Sanwa (now a member of Parliament) has been making laudable attempts in fighting against untouchability and practising this principle in his life.

 Untouchables' initiatives for caste liberation


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Caste untouchability abolition recommendations

It is not possible to identify the population of untouchables in Nepal on the basis of the census report (1991), as they have not been enumerated separately. This report contains statistics about some castes, but it does not include information about Newari-speaking people and the population of untouchables in the Remote Western Region. According to it, there are only 34,50,000 untouchables. During the enumeration in the 1991 census, information on castes was collected in every region on ad hoc basis without seeking the assistance of local responsible representatives. Consequently, the Aryan untouchables who did not inform that they were untouchables were enumerated as touchables, thereby increasing the touchables' population and reducing the untouchables' population. In addition, the census report has become faulty also because it is difficult in a community to identify touchable and untouchables. It is assumed that if the untouchables missing in the report are taken into account, their population may exceed more than five million. Despite it, it would be desirable on our part to keep on ascertaining the real figures about untouchables, which would help HMG/N and also social organizations devise ways to resolve the related issues.
Owing to illiteracy and ignorance, people believe in superstitions like previous birth and rebirth. They think they are born untouchable as a result of their pre-birth. They dream that if they observe religious discipline and serve high-caste people in this birth they will be born as touchable in the next birth. In this context, it is important that the government try to make them educated and conscious. The untouchables suffer from inferiority complex as well as economic adversity. As a result, they have no positive attitude towards education. Hence, the government needs to implement special education programme for the uneducated and provide reservation of jobs in government/semi-government agencies to the educated in this community. They have come down to the level of untouchable for sticking to their traditional professions. Hence they should be imparted training in the country or abroad by the government to modernize their professions, make them competitive and income-generating and render them respectable.
It is necessary to bring in change in the national educational policy and make education easily accessible and vocational. Reading materials which encourage caste discrimination should be banned. Radio, TV and other mass media should not carry programmes which may give rise to caste animosity and segregation. They should not broadcast or publish things related to untouchability and detrimental to caste equality. Divisive quotes like " four classes and thirty-six castes "should be omitted. The untouchable castes could not fight against slavery to high-caste people owing to unscientific and orthodox values, launch organized movement for caste liberation and vanquish feudal practices. As a result, they are lost in religious illusion. To promote them through education and awareness meetings, documentary films, posters and other activities should be organized in different localities. The problem of untouchability is found to be more acute amidst people deprived of interaction owing to the lack of transport and communication. The programmes mentioned above can prove more effective in such a situation. It is necessary to develop transport and communication in remote areas and provide people facilities like hospitals, high schools, libraries, clubs, post-office and telephones. These facilities may help them get rid of evil manners and customs.

Present condition

See also

References

  1. ^ [1] Khatry, Prem (1995) "The Manjani system of the Danuwar state of the of the Kamala Valley: a brief study of an egalitarian judiciary", Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol 1, No. 1 (January, 1995), pp. 43-55.
  2. ^ Drekmeier, Charles (1962) Kingship and community in early India. (Stanford: Stanford University Press), pp. 223 ff.[2]
  3. ^ http://www.riiti.com/2008-05-best_of_shukra_niti_-_by_sage_shukracharya.html
  4. ^ Hachhethu, Krishna "Nepal: Confronting Hindu identity", South Asian Journal, 2(October–December 2003), pp. .[3]
  5. ^ http://www.spinybabbler.org/traditional_arts/music/instruments.php Damai instruments

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